Day: February 24, 2015

Dissatisfied

The National Democratic Institute today sent this Kosovo Public Opinion Research from focus groups convened in December. Since I can’t find it on the NDI website, I am posting it here. NDI characterizes the “general direction” this way:

• Public is demanding action
• Progress on infrastructure but not on issues of concern
• Corruption and nepotism contributing to declining economy, education, and health care
• Unemployment leading to desperation
• People seeking change frustrated at the ballot box

Respondents frequently express dissatisfaction with the current circumstances and the way things have progressed– or not progressed – over 15 years. The three ‘top of mind’ issues affecting their mood are high unemployment, corruption and nepotism and similar ‘fair shake’ issues, and what they view as an unsustainable and under-performing economy.

Worth reading the whole thing, for those who take an interest in the world’s second-newest sovereign state.

Serbia: media and government

I recently asked a knowledgeable friend about media freedom in Serbia.  His lengthy reply is below. I’ll of course be prepared to publish other well-reasoned perspectives on this issue.

Here is my theory on the Serbian media scene.

Media freedom activists (MFA) who claim there is censorship imposed directly by the Serbian government or even Prime Minister Vučić himself – and who consist of both journalists and nongovernmental organization representatives – constitute a small fraction of people working in the media sector overall. Most journalists do not complain about censorship and perform their jobs normally.

Of course, being a minority does not mean being wrong. But in the case of the MFA, the problem is the argumentation they use in their attempts to prove that there is censorship. What they emphasize as their “ultimate proof” is that a vast majority of mainstream media never, or at most rarely, criticize Vučić.

It is true that most media treat Vučić in a positive way, but that does not necessarily have to be due to censorship by him or the government as a whole. The media do not operate in a vacuum; they are an integral part of broader society. As such, they reflect the general mood of the public. If Vučić enjoys huge support from people, it is not surprising that most media might be reluctant to write or speak against him, even if they have grounds. They do not want to risk alienating their readers and followers, both actual and potential.

Even though Vučić is today far more popular than Tadić ever was during his presidency (and certainly holds more power than Tadić did), when you compare the number and percentage of mainstream media that are currently pro-Vučić with the number of those that were pro-Tadić when he was in power, you’ll see that, strangely, more media then favored Tadić than now favor Vučić.

Another two factors that I believe contribute a great deal to sycophantic behavior of some media toward those in power (at any given time, not just at present) are opportunism and cowardice. An example of cowardice is when a journalist refrains from criticizing a politician in power not because someone influential warned them not to, but because of perceived fear of getting into trouble if they did. An example of opportunism is when a journalist (or editor) flatters powerful figures in hopes of earning privileges in return. Albeit different, both can be regarded as cases of self-censorship.

In terms of their attitude toward the ruling elite, Serbian mass media can be roughly classified into three basic categories. Read more

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