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We are going to unknown places

Apart from today’s post on Gaza, it’s been more or less a month since I’ve posted to peacefare.net. Some may wonder why. Yes, I’ve been working on revising my 2019 book, From War to Peace in the Balkans, the Middle East, and Ukraine. The new edition is due at the publisher, again Palgrave Macmillan, at the end of 2026, for publication in 2027. I’ll do a much deeper dive on the Middle East and Ukraine, in addition to updating the Balkans material. That requires a lot of reading and thinking.

But that’s not the only reason for my silence. It is just difficult to know what to say. My personal circumstances are fine. But the country I grew up in, served for 21 years, and owe my 80 years of good fortune to is not. It is retrogressing and weakening.

Not more polarized

No, we are not more polarized than ever before. Anyone who tells you that has not lived through, or remembered well, the 1950s (remember McCarthyism?) or the 1960s (Vietnam, civil rights?). Political violence was worse in 1968 (MLK, RFK, Malcolm X). But the polarization is more aligned with political parties today.

Political violence is indigenous to the US. It is who we are. Police and vigilante violence against immigrants and racial progress is endemic. The Federal government is now backing it wholeheartedly and ignoring most of it, which is consistently on the right:

The reason political violence is so far down this year is clear. The right is in power, so has less complaint and fewer targets. Besides, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) is doing most of what the right was doing in the past.

Freedom of speech infringed

Two weeks ago the suspension of Jimmy Kimmel’s late night show from ABC was the daily trauma. The network was reacting to criticism from the Chair of the Federal Telecommunication Commission. He denounced what Kimmel had said about the assassination of Charlie Kirk, a young right-wing organizer and spokesman. This is what Kimmel said:

We hit some new lows over the weekend with the MAGA gang desperately trying to characterize this kid who murdered Charlie Kirk as anything other than one of them and doing everything they can to score political points from it.

This is not, as most of the coverage would have it, a snipe at Charlie Kirk. It is a criticism of the MAGA reaction to his assassination. Judge for yourself whether it is an accurate characterization:

Still almost nothing is known at this point about the alleged assassin’s beliefs and motivations. The FTC chair is using the regulatory power of the Federal government to limit criticism of the President.

Here’s a challenge: what president in the past 50 years who has used his authority in this way? We are arriving in an unknown place.

A foreign policy of weakness

The same is true for foreign policy. Trump’s tariffs have offended most of the world. They have hit India hard, pushing the world’s fifth largest economy into the arms of Russia and China. The US Navy has sunk unarmed boats from Latin America alleged to be carrying drugs, without producing any evidence. Brazil has defied Trump’s efforts to save his fellow seditionist Bolsonaro from accountability.

Trump is canceling security assistance to the Baltic countries as well as Ukraine, even while spouting pro-Ukraine talking points. Russian President Putin is stiffing Trump’s mediation efforts. Much of Asia is rallying to China’s side. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are doubting whether the US will help defend them. The leadership of the US military sat silent (and disapproving) while President Trump and Secretary of Defense Hegseth harangued them.

Our advantages are still there, but...

We still have big advantages. Two wide oceans protect our coasts. A big and fairly free economy provides a lot of opportunity for people to prosper. The US military has the resources and deployments that enable it to act worldwide.

But let there be no doubt. the President is weak: his approval/disapproval is 39%/56%. He is under 50% on all the major issues: inflation/prices, jobs and the economy, guns, immigration, and crime.

Trump’s America is a place where freedom of speech is in doubt, right-wing violence is now the government’s responsibility, and friends can’t rely on support. What more could go wrong?

How experts prevail

Here for your reading pleasure is Harry Kopp’s recent review in the Foreign Service Journal of my book on Strengthening International Norms:

Trump is never getting the Nobel Prize

Donald Trump has a peacemaking obsession. He claims to have ended six (or maybe seven wars) during his second term. Two of them (Egypt/Ethiopia and Serbia/Kosovo) were not wars and the conflicts are not ended. If he did anything to improve those situations, it was in his first term, not his second.

Only two (Democratic Republic of Congo/Rwanda and Azerbaijan/Armenia) show verifiable signs of Trump involvement. Both peace agreements were signed at the White House. The former is already failing and the second could as well. Cambodia/Thailand, where Trump’s involvement is undocumented, is also shaky. Trump was instrumental in bringing about the Israel/Iran ceasefire, but only because the US helped Israel to win. That’s not exactly peacemaking.

All these claims include lies, fabrications, and exaggerations.

Now Ukraine

Trump has in the past few days put himself at the center of peacemaking between Russia and Ukraine. He met Friday in Alaska with Russian President Putin and Monday with Ukrainian President Zelensky in Washington. Key European leaders accompanied Zelensky, to offer a counterweight to Putin.

Putin has convinced Trump that the conflict is about territory. That appeals to Trump’s real estate instincts. Real estate is divisible. That makes deal making easy. It is true that Russia has annexed four Ukrainian oblasts and occupied most of their territory. But it isn’t really about territory.

Putin’s real goal is to end Ukrainian sovereignty. A free and democratic Ukraine is a threat to Russia, but not because of its military might. What Putin fears is a Slavic alternative to his own increasingly autocratic rule. A thriving democratic state next door is not a good look for Putin. Russians might get ideas. Besides, they never really thought the “Little Russians” deserved independence.

Putin knows NATO will never invade Russia. If a free Ukraine of any size exists after this war, I’d bet Russia will want it in NATO. The Alliance is the best guarantee available that Ukraine will not attack Russia or seek its own nuclear weapons.

Making peace for real

If Trump wants peace in Ukraine, his assistance to Israel suggests how to make it happen. The US can’t bomb the Russian forces, as that would start a war we shouldn’t want. But giving Kyiv whatever weapons and ammunition it needs to win the war is the shortest way the end it. Also the best.

The “secondary” sanctions on Russia’s trading partners that Trump has talked about but not levied are another good idea. They would not need to last long before the Russian economy sinks into a severe recession. Putin would then himself be at risk. That is how to get him to the negotiating table.

Trump won’t do what is needed

Trump knows that a Ukrainian win is the quickest way to end the war. Russia would then be pushed back to its internationally recognized borders. Other would-be aggressors would be deterred.

Why he doesn’t do what virtually all Russia experts recommend is admittedly a mystery. It sends a clear signal of American weakness. Putin is enjoying that.

The Nobel Prize is out of reach

Trump’s craving for a Nobel Peace Prize is obvious. It isn’t going to happen. The meeting Trump wants with Putin and Zelensky may happen, but it won’t make peace. Zelensky won’t surrender territory and Putin won’t agree to a ceasefire. The Norwegians are too smart to fall for a Trump scam.

Since the Americans are siding with Russia, it is up to the Europeans to enable Ukraine to win. They don’t have a great record responding to aggression from the east, but let’s hope this time will be different. And maybe one of them earn the Nobel Prize for real.

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Preventing structural destabilization of Serbia

The video above is much more analytical than its cover cartoon and title.

Dušan Janjić writes “I am deeply convinced that the window for a peaceful resolution of Serbia’s crisis is closing, and that timely preventive measures can avoid violence and armed conflict.” With this he conveys a “non-paper” on behalf of the unnamed Ad Hoc Expert Team for Security and Stabilization, which consists of leading experts in the fields of human security, security and defense, constitutional law, the rule of law and judiciary, and international relations.

The team commenced its work on January 15, 2025 as an Ad Hoc mechanism addressing the present state and threats to human security, human rights, and freedoms in the Republic of Serbia. The monitoring findings and recommendations were subsequently released in the Policy Paper “Report on the State and Threats to Human Security, Human Rights, and Freedoms in the Republic of Serbia. Reporting Period: January 15 – March 31, 2025.”

This Non-Paper is intended for domestic and international social, business, political, and other stakeholders whose actions influence the course of the ongoing crisis in Serbia.

The Non-Paper

The document is based on available information regarding the severity of the crisis, the state of security in the country, and political will, preparedness, and capacity of various actors to help preserve peace and stabilize the situation.

A. Serbia Facing Structural Destabilization

Political and social crises, coupled with growing security instability, have come to dominate everyday life in Serbia. The government’s response has included measures reminiscent of a state of emergency and a creeping coup, raising the risk of further escalation.

President Aleksandar Vučić remains one of the most influential actors in this crisis. He has consolidated control over the media, key budgetary and investment decisions, and the management of the Serbian government, particularly its diplomacy, the military, and the police. The president is using this authority to advance the values and interests of a single segment of society and to build the Movement for the Defense of the State. His conduct violates both the letter and the spirit of the Constitution and the Law on the President, which define the president’s primary duty as safeguarding the unity of the state.

Public protests and widespread sentiment challenge the legitimacy of such conduct, raising calls for current president’s resignation or impeachment, and for extraordinary presidential elections. There is an emphasized need to undertake appropriate activities to strengthen political will and reach a political agreement on the conditions for electoral verification of the government.

B. Activities and Mechanism for a Peaceful Exit from the Crisis

B.1 Measures for De-escalating Threats to Human Security

  • Independent Expert Commission: Establish a body to monitor and report on social conditions and security trends, and propose measures for de-escalating threats to human security, human rights, and freedoms. The Commission should cooperate with domestic and international experts, institutions, and organizations, supporting the work of an Ad Hoc Mechanism for Facilitating a Peaceful Exit from the Crisis.
  • Countering advocacy of intolerance, violence, and extremism: All competent institutions must take lawful measures to suppress advocacy of intolerance, hatred, and extremism; to stop the increase in police violence; and to prevent the abuse of prosecutorial and judicial functions, including misdemeanor courts.
  • Role of the President and National Security Council: Adopt measures to stop the increase of police violence and torture. Take measures to dismantle para-police groups and stop their activities and violence —especially those supported by the ruling parties, funded through misuse of public resources or illicit means, supported by the police, and tolerated by parts of the judiciary.
  • Role of the Supreme Public Prosecutor’s Office: Fulfil legal obligations to combat extremist and para-police activities, especially those connected to political parties, public officials, and organized crime.
  • Parliamentary and institutional oversight: Activate existing mechanisms for parliamentary and other forms of public oversight over the security and intelligence community in Serbia, especially the police and the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA).
  • Assessment of institutions of special public importance: Urgently review whether the key institutions— Constitutional Court, Anti-Corruption Agency, Commissioner for Information of Public Importance and Personal Data Protection, and Protector of Citizens—are fulfilling their constitutional and legal mandates and effectively contributing to the protection of human security, rights, and freedoms in Serbia.
  • National Security Agency: Consider establishing an agency legally designated as one of key actors in upholding the rule of law, responsible for providing critical security and defense information to authorized institutions, countering cyber and communications threats, protecting individuals and facilities, safeguarding the national currency and payment systems, and leading or assisting in investigations into war crimes, terrorism, and politically motivated murders.
  • Police reorganization: Create legal and operational conditions to reorganize the police into a single structure with a unified chain of command and management.

B.2 Roundtable on Stabilizing the Situation in Serbia

The Roundtable on Stabilizing the Situation in Serbia is an ad hoc mechanism that enables reaching a political agreement to overcome the current legitimacy crisis and irregularities in the work of the National Assembly of Serbia, Assembly of AP Vojvodina, city and municipality assemblies, as well as local community councils throughout Serbia.

Rationale:

  • Deep political and social divisions;
  • High public distrust in authorities;
  • Conflict between the opposition and the government;
  • Limited crisis capacity management on both sides;
  • Lack of acceptable institutional framework for dialogue;
  • Risk of radicalization, parallel institutions, and violent resistance;
  • Infiltration of para-state structures and organized crime into state institutions, especially in the security and intelligence sector.

Goals:

  • Reach political agreement on conditions for fair and democratic elections;
  • Ensure peaceful, democratic resolution of the political and security crisis;
  • Establish basic rules and mechanisms to reduce tensions and security risks.

Participants:

  • Representatives of protesting citizens, civic initiatives, student, professional, local, and other movements with significant public support;
  • Parliamentary political parties.

Moderation:

  • Moderator of the Roundtable may be an individual or a collective body, either a Serbian citizen and/or a representative of the international community (the Quint is recommended).
  • Moderator selection requires unanimous approval of all participants.

Expected outcome:

  • Consensus on creating conditions for free and fair elections, including:
    • Integrity of voter register and prevention of biometric and data abuse;
    • Independent monitoring of the activities of the Republic Data Center;
    • Decision on the electoral system model (majority or proportional);
    • Introducing larger number of electoral districts;
    • Direct voting procedures and ballot security;
    • Balanced regional and minority representation;
    • Financing of political parties and campaigns.

Recommendations:

  • The National Assembly elected in early elections should serve as a constituent assembly;
  • It is necessary to set a specific timeframe for the transitional period. For the president and the constituent assembly, this period should be shorter than the term established by law for those elected in regular elections;
  • Reaching an agreement on the schedule for holding extraordinary elections at all levels.

C. Role of the President in Serbia’s Stabilization

Given the serious security challenges facing Serbia and the need to prevent further destabilization, particular focus is on the role of the president, National Security Council, and the security and intelligence community in Serbia.

Public debate frequently raises the question: Who will replace Vučić? This Non-Paper does not answer this question but stresses the need for electoral change of this function and outlines tasks for the president to ensure a peaceful, democratic transfer of power and stabilization in the country.

It is the Responsibility of the President of the Republic of Serbia to:

  • Initiate measures to guarantee the property rights of citizens, public and state property, as well as the property of companies and cooperatives, legacies, and more; promote an effective restitution process to return unjustly taken property to its rightful owners.
  • Support the creation of an environment fostering business, political, and social cooperation, respect for the rule of law, institutional recovery, and solidarity.
  • Encourage dialogue on Serbia’s Reform and Sustainable Development Strategy for the coming decade, involving the businesses community, experts, civil society, and international partners.
  • Support opening Serbia to multinational corporations that contribute to sustainable development, while respecting the interests and needs of domestic economy and the public, especially in strategic sectors, such as, food production, water management, mining and processing of rare metals, energy, and human security.
  • The Law on the President and other related laws should clearly define the President’s rights, duties, and responsibilities to uphold the Constitution, laws, and strategic documents essential for Serbia’s sustainable development, stability, security, and defense. The President must adhere to these responsibilities when deciding on granting a mandate to form the government, approving laws, and appointing Constitutional Court judges and diplomatic representatives.
  • When signing decrees promulgating laws, the President is obliged to provide explanations for the decision to give consent and point out appropriate and necessary amendments to the law and Constitution.
  • Contribute to strengthening judicial independence; eliminate the practice of protecting acquired privileges and monopolies; prevent the National Assembly from acting as a “party personnel filter” in the judiciary.
  • Provide support to judicial and investigative authorities in combating corruption, organized crime, and terrorism, directly and/or through the National Security Council. 
  • Initiate comprehensive monitoring, review, and reporting on cooperation with foreign intelligence services; initiate ending the practice of involving BIA and VOA members in prosecutorial teams and overseeing prosecution work; initiate removing VOA’s influence over the War Crimes Prosecutor’s Office.
  • In carrying out duties of appointments and awards, the President is obliged to respect and is accountable for the integrity of the individuals being appointed or honored.
  • Respects diversity and promotes the integrative policies. Given the importance of interethnic relations for Serbia’s development, stability, and security, and considering the prolonged inactivity of the National Council for National Minorities, the President of the Republic should be legally authorized to chair this Council.

D. Urgent Measures

The Law on the President of the Republic should clearly define, in line with the Constitution and other laws, the criteria for granting amnesty and pardon, along with the President’s accountability for failing to adhere to these criteria.

It is necessary to examine the President’s past actions in relation to sustainable development issues, with an immediate focus on halting the President’s involvement in bodies and institutions that approve major capital investment projects.

It is necessary to ensure adequate infrastructure and human resources to enable effective performance of the President’s public duties. To this end, a review of the legal status and responsibilities of the National Security Council is required, recognizing it as a key body for improving security conditions and guiding the activities of the security and intelligence community.

Members of the National Security Council can only be worthy citizens of Serbia, with proven qualifications and experience in the fields of strategic planning and directing security development in all its aspects.

The Council should be chaired by the President of the Republic and/or the Security Adviser to the Republic of Serbia.

The current Bureau for Coordination of Security Services should be replaced by a Bureau for Coordination of Activities of the Intelligence and Security Community. Its members should be representatives from the National Assembly, the Government of Serbia, and the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, European Integration, Internal Affairs, and Defense. The existing Bureau for Coordination of Security Services should be transformed into a Coordinating Body of the Intelligence and Security Community, composed of the heads of security and intelligence agencies.

 For the Ad Hoc Team of Experts on Security and Stabilization

Belgrade, August 13, 2025              Dr. Dušan Janjić  

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Don’t be fooled

Rasha Gaddh of Al-Sharq News asked some followup questions after reading my post from earlier today. I answered.

Q: President Trump’s tone toward Russia and Putin changed following last month’s NATO summit and pressure from NATO allies urging him to commit more strongly to Ukraine. Do you believe this is the reason behind his shift in stance? What other factors may have contributed to his loss of patience with Moscow?

A: Trump is trying to fend off both NATO pressure and domestic political pressure to do more to counter Russia. He is doing so by pretending to get tough but in fact doing nothing substantial.

Q: Do you think Russia will comply with the threat and end the war within the 50-day deadline?

A: Russia will do everything it can to gain territory during the 50 days. It may then agree to a ceasefire, but not an end to the war, unless it has gained all of the territory it has already in theory annexed. Trump has already promised Putin no NATO membership for Ukraine.

Q: If the deadline passes without Russian compliance, what actions is the U.S. administration likely to take? What kind of sanctions might be imposed on Russia, and in which sectors?

A: I doubt Trump will do anything serious. He is committed to strengthening Russia.

The key to sanctions is to end Russian use of a “ghost fleet” to export oil and to end transshipment of goods to Russia from Europe and the US through former Soviet republics. 

No one gets all they want

One thing we know: the US successfully launched 14 (!) of the biggest bunker busters at three Iranian nuclear strikes. The massive strike force of more than 125 warplanes encountered no resistance. There were no US losses.

We don’t know a lot more. It will take time to learn the extent of bomb damage and the Iranian response. The Americans did not use my suggested approach.

What the US wants

The Americans are looking for Iranian agreement to end their uranium enrichment efforts. That is unlikely so long as the Islamic Republic remains intact. Iran has insisted for decades that it has a right to enrich uranium that it will not give up. The Supreme Leader could change his mind, but agreeing to give up enrichment would likely trigger moves within Iran to displace him.

The Americans have said they are not looking for regime change. But if Iran continues to defy demands that it give up on enrichment, regime change could become the result. That’s a problem, as regime change could go in the direction of more defiance, not less.

Lots of Americans did not want to go to war with Iran. They can hope this raid will be the end of it, as the Trump Administration is suggesting. But there is no guarantee of that. Iran may race to reconstitute its nuclear program. It likely has at least one secret site from which to do this. The US may need to continue building and using bunker busters.

What Iran wants

The Supreme Leader’s first concern will be regime preservation. That will dictate a show of willingness to negotiate. But giving up on uranium enrichment is not in the cards.

Ayatollah Khamenei favors deliberate responses, but it is difficult to imagine he will do nothing. The Iranians will seize opportunities to harm Americans, both troops and civilians. With Gaza’s Hamas, Lebanese Hezbollah, and the Yemeni Houthis constrained and diminished, Tehran will look to its proxies in Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces for help. The Iranians can waste a few missiles targeting the Americans there and in Syria. The Iranians may also activate terrorist cells around the world, including in the US, to harm Americans.

None of that will help Iran much in current circumstances. Tehran today is weaker than it has been at any time since the 1980s war with Iraq. A wise leader in Tehran might want to rebuild and attack sometime in the future. That would not however satisfy the militants of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. They will want to shed American blood sooner rather than later.

What the Israelis want

The Israelis are pleased. They have sucked the Americans into a war Washington wanted to avoid. And they have gotten the kind of massive attack on nuclear sites that has the best chance of causing serious harm.

Prime Minister Netanyahu got the war, and the results, he has sought for decades. He has made no secret of his hope for regime change, but even without it Israelis will see him as having succeeded. Destruction of Iran’s uranium enrichment capacity is a big triumph.

But the war may continue for a long time. Iranian missiles are increasingly penetrating Israel’s air defenses. Iran’s widely dispersed, well-hidden, and mobile missile inventory is still substantial. Israelis are not going to be happy if they are still dodging Iranian attacks in six months. Even Hamas and Hezbollah still have missiles, despite many months of Israeli dominance in the air and on the ground.

Net results

Odds are no one is getting all they want. I am guessing the Americans will have to repeat their attacks, perhaps many times. US troops and citizens will get wacked. The Israelis won’t get the kind of regime change they want and will find themselves under a barrage of Iranian attacks for months or years to come. The Iranians will lose their enrichment capabilities even as their regime becomes more belligerent and militaristic.

There is little hope of a brighter scenario for the Middle East, despite positive developments in Syria and Lebanon. Even those are a dead cat bounce after dramatic falls. The “narrow path” to a New Middle East is looking rocky as well as narrow. The Trump Administration has systematically dismantled the programs that are needed not only in Lebanon and Syria but also in Libya and Yemen. Military force, not diplomacy, is prevailing. More devastation will be the result.

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