Tag: Cuba

Playing chess with Mike Tyson

I might wish that were the name of William Dobson‘s book about how dictators are adjusting to contemporary pro-democracy rebellions, as the original text of this post said, but really it’s Dictatorship 2.0.  I haven’t read it but intend to do so, as there was a lively discussion of it yesterday at the Carnegie Endowment with Karim Sadjadpour chairing, Dobson presenting, Otpor‘s Srdja Popovic and Marc Lynch commenting.

It is hard to be an old style dictator today, Dobson avers.  Really only North Korea is left, as Burma has begun to adjust.  The plug can’t be pulled on communications, which means dictators need to get savvy and use more subtle forms of repression:  targeted tax inspections, contested but unfree and unfair elections (preferably with the opposition fragmented), control over television and the courts, big handouts to the populace.  Dictatorships today do not aim for ideological monopolies but rather to prevent and disrupt mobilization.

Oppositions have to adjust as well.  Srdja outlined the basics:  they need unity, planning and nonviolent discipline.  They must be indigenous.  Internationals can help, mainly through education and help with communications.  Protesters need to avoid confronting dictatorial regimes where they are strong and attack them where they are weak.  You don’t challenge Mike Tyson to box; better to play chess with him.  This means avoiding military action in Syria, for example, and focusing on the regime’s economic weakness.  The contest is between opposition enthusiasm and the fear the regime seeks to impose.  Humor and “dispersive” tactics that do not require mass assembly in the streets (work and traffic slowdowns, boycotts, graffiti, cartoons) are increasingly important in reducing fear.

Marc emphasized the sequence of events in the Arab awakening:  Ben Ali’s flight from Tunisia made people elsewhere realize what was possible, Mubarak’s overthrow in Egypt made it seem inevitable, Libya and Yemen were far more difficult, a reversal that has continued in Syria, where the regime has substantial support from Alawites and Christians afraid of what will happen to them if the revolution succeeds.   The tipping point comes when perception of a regime changes from its being merely bad to being immoral.

So who is next?  Saudi Arabia and Jordan are in peril, Marc suggested.  Bahrain is living on borrowed time.  Srdja suggested Iran, which is moving backwards towards an old style dictatorship after the defeat of its Green Movement, can only be challenged successfully if the protesters learn from their mistakes.  They need better leadership and a focus on the state’s inability to deliver services.  China, Dobson said, has been good at pre-empting large protests.  Burma may not be adjusting quickly enough to avoid an upheaval.

I didn’t hear mention of Russia, Cuba, Algeria, and lots of other places that might be candidates, but no one was trying to be comprehensive.  Wherever they may be, dictatorships will adjust to what they see happening elsewhere and try to protect their monopoly on power from those who challenge it.  Their opponents will also need to adjust.  It is thus in both war and peace.

 

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Missive offense and defense

America’s patriots were hard at work this week, not attacking the nation’s enemies but each other.  First the Romney brigade launched a missive, apparently the first salvo in a planned barrage.  The Obama missive defense went ballistic.  The question is this:  how much difference is there, really, between the two presumed candidates?

On one issue, defense spending, there is a clear and present difference:  Obama is in the midst of cutting close to half a billion dollars from projected increases in the Pentagon budget over the next ten years.  Romney says he would not do that (without explaining how he would avoid it).  He has committed himself to a naval buildup, apparently in anticipation of a Chinese challenge that will be decades in the making.  Presumably to cover the interim, he has declared Russia America’s main foreign threat.  Obama is already moving to shore up America’s presence in Asia and the Pacific, but he shows much less concern about Russia and more about Iran.

Romney has said Iran will not get a nuclear weapon if he is elected president.  Obama says Iran will not get a nuclear weapon while he is president.  Romney is clearly thinking more about military threat that enables diplomacy and Obama more about diplomacy enabled by military pressure.  That’s a distinction with a difference in emphasis.

Both candidates are Israel‘s best friend.  Obama has its back.  Romney has its front.  Neither is willing to pressure his best friend to reach a final status agreement with the Palestinians. Romney seems inclined to ignore their existence.  Obama does not but has reached a dead-end on the issue.

Both candidates are also Castro’s worst enemy.  Romney would pursue a tougher isolation policy with Cuba, one that has failed for more than 50 years to bring results.  Obama would try to undermine the Castro regime with soft power, a more recent approach that has also failed to work.

On Iraq and Afghanistan, there are again some real differences.  Romney says it was a mistake for Obama to withdraw all U.S. forces from Iraq.  Obama asks how they could stay if Iraq did not want them and refused to allow immunity from prosecution.  Romney says the drawdown in Afghanistan is too fast.  Obama leans toward accelerating it.  That difference too is real:  Romney would stay in Afghanistan to win, Obama wants to get out before we lose.

Then there are the issues that have not yet been launched.  Romney will likely say Obama hasn’t done enough to support the rebellion in Syria.  Obama won’t say it, but he hesitates on Syria because he wants to keep his powder dry and needs Russian support on Iran.  Obama will vaunt his accomplishments against Al Qaeda.  Romney will criticize Obama for failing to bring around Pakistan.

There are also the intangibles.  Romney says the United States needs to be number 1 and lead.  Obama says the United States needs to collaborate with others and share burdens.  Romney says he would never apologize for the United States.  Obama apologizes when we are responsible for something going terribly wrong.  Romney will say Obama is too soft.  Obama will say Romney is too simplistic.

There are some who think this kind of missive exchange is clarifying or otherwise edifying.  I’m not so sure, even if I think my team–that’s the Obamites–got the best of it on this occasion.  I guess I am nostalgic, but it would be nice to return to the “water’s edge”:  that’s a foreign policy that ignores partisan differences once we leave the east and west coasts to go abroad.  We shouldn’t hide the real differences, but there is more similarity here than either side would like to admit.  Nor will they do so any time before November.

 

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Unworthy would be a kind word

Last night’s CNN-sponsored Republican candidates’ debate is still ringing in my ears.  It is certainly not a surprise that the overwhelming focus was on domestic issues, except for a few international issues with domestic resonance.  In Florida, this above all means Cuba and, for Rick Santorum, the threat of Muslim extremism installing itself in socialist countries in Latin America. It also means immigration and of course Israel (and Palestine).

So what did they say?  Except for Ron Paul, they endorsed a strong embargo policy on Cuba.  This is the policy we have kept in place until very recently.  For more than 50 years, it has produced no results.  Newt Gingrich went a step farther and endorsed bringing down the Castro regime (I guess we can still call it that).  I’m for that too.  But he gave no hint how he would do it.  Arguably increasing person-to-person contacts, which is what the Administration is doing, will move things in that direction.

Santorum’s concern with Latin American jihadis is laughable, even if it is impossible to exclude that a suicide bomber may some day make his way from Mexico or Venezuela into the U.S.  Santorum’s fix is even funnier:  he advocates more trade with Latin America, which is pretty much what Obama has pushed by making free trade agreements with Colombia and Panama.

On immigration, there was a strong consensus in favor of enforcing current laws, without the government deporting anyone.  This is a significant weakening of current policy–Obama has deported a lot of people.  But the candidates claim enforcing existing laws could provide an incentive for undocumented immigrants to go home because they would not be able to work.  The trouble of course is that repeated efforts to enforce the ban on undocumented immigrants working have not been successful.  So the bottom line is no deportations and no effective incentives for people to “self-deport.” The candidates have managed to offend many Hispanic (and non-Hispanic) voters without getting any credit at all for suggesting a major weakening of immigration policy.

A Palestinian questioner–on Twitter someone suggested he was the only Republican Palestinian in existence–got it between the eyes from Newt, who claimed “Palestinian” was an identity invented in the 1970s.  This is worse than inaccurate:  before the founding of the state of Israel, all residents of Palestine were known as Palestinians, including Jews.  I know this in part from a visit to the Irgun museum in Tel Aviv, which is hardly the place to find perspectives sympathetic to the Palestinian narrative.  Newt’s line about the non-existence of Palestinians is a common line among right-wing Jews both in Israel and the U.S.  No self-respecting history professor would repeat it unless there were a few $5 million checks in the bargain.

Romney was hot last night, effectively wiping the floor with Gingrich, who at times seemed uncharacteristically at a loss for words.  But Mitt was also disingenuous.  His defense of Romneycare, the Massachusetts health care scheme he put in place, applies word for word to Obamacare, which he said he would repeal.  But the only part he disapproved of was the Obama part, not the scheme itself.  Romney also claimed that Obama had thrown Israel under the bus and that only the Palestinians are standing in the way of a two-state solution.  I can’t buy either of those propositions.

Wolf Blitzer, who used to be a serious guy, was spotty at best.  Asking candidates why their wives would make good First Ladies is unworthy of him.  But in a funny kind of way that was consistent with the tone of the whole evening:  unworthy would be a kind word.

Gingrich’s poor showing last night should enable Romney to exploit his advantages in money and organization to win the nomination.  It would be ironic if the most polarized political atmosphere in many years leads to a contest between Romney and Obama, both of whom are regarded as excessively moderate in their own political camps.  If that happens, it won’t be the worst result the American political system has generated.

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