Tag: Iran

So much to keep track of!

So I thought a quick update on the revolutions of 2011 might be in order:

  • Libya:  Gaddafi holding on in Tripoli, where his forces indulge in random killings, but most of the rest of the country seems to be in rebel hands.  Tribes and a hodge-podge of local authorities seem to be the mainstay of law and order, insofar as it exists.  The army is split.  Lots of high level defections.  The Americans have finally imposed unilateral sanctions freezing assets and banning travel.  The UN Security Council is still debating its draft, which may have to lose the referral to the International Criminal Court in order to get past India, China and Russia (none are states parties to the ICC).
  • Yemen:  Protests have grown dramatically with adherence by some important tribes, President Saleh took the Gaddafi vow to fight to the last drop of blood, and the opposition seems intent on continuing despite Saleh’s vows to leave office in 2013 and not install his son.
  • Egypt:  Big demonstration yesterday to keep pressure on the military, force out the prime minister, who is Mubarak’s buddy, and end the state of emergency, which the military has promised to do once order is restored.
  • Bahrain:  Another big demo, but the monarchy clearly committed for the moment to avoiding violence.  An important Bahraini Shiite leader returned to the country from exile and was allowed to speak.
  • Tunisia:  Protesters Friday pressed for faster change.  Pro-Ben Ali youth rioted Saturday.  Violence in both instances.  The good guys should really wear white hats and maintain non-violent discipline, as that will help to distinguish them from the bad guys.
  • Iraq:  At least eight killed around the country in the first big demonstrations, mainly by undisciplined security forces.  The Speaker of Parliament says he supports the demonstrators’ right to protest, Prime Minister Maliki tried to fend off both protests and criticism, and Ayatollah Sistani weighed in on the side of the improved public services and an end to corruption.  Sistani is the one really worth listening to, but he hasn’t got a lot of influence in Kurdistan, where violent demonstrations continue.
  • Jordan:  A big, peaceful demonstration Friday, but big is much smaller (4000) than in other places.  The call is still far more for reform than for regime change.
  • Iran:  The regime still has things  “under control,” mistreating its own people even as it praises the rebellions in Arab countries.  The video at that link, by the way, demonstrates a lack of discipline on both sides of the confrontation, but the text is useful for understanding why demonstrations in Iran have been less than fully successful.
  • Overall: lots of ups and downs this week, but it is clear that few real dictators will survive much longer.  The question of what will replace them is still an open one, but it is looking more and more as if re-imposing autocracies will be nigh on impossible.  The people simply won’t stand for it.  More power to them!

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Bahrain gets smart, others continue crackdowns

Bahrain’s monarchy got smart today, withdrawing the tanks and the police, allowing Pearl square to fill again with protesters, sending the Crown Prince out to give a conciliatory speech, and telling the protesters they could stay, presumably as long as they are peaceful. The Crown Prince is talking reform, sectarian harmony, dialogue. A smart move that went over well, to judge from the limited evidence available from my Twitter feed (credit to @SultanAlQassemi and @Emile_Houkayem). And now more evidence from CNN:

No such conciliatory moves elsewhere. Libya, with its internet communications cut off, is reportedly killing dozens of protesters and trying to scare the rest into submission. Benghazi is especially restive. Yemen has unleashed thugs and police in both Sanaa and Aden. Algeria walloped a small demonstration with obviously excessive force, presumably as a lesson to others. Iran continues its crackdown, which faces the challenge of a big “Green Movement” demonstration called for tomorrow. Saudi Arabia, obviously nervous, is denying it has any problems, even as it detains political activists in anticipation of demonstrations called for March 11.

It is of course impossible to predict where and when a popular revolution will succeed in one of these anachrocies (that’s my word for a regime that has outlived its legitimacy). None of them seem to me immune. A lot depends on the capabilities of the organizers to turn out a big crowd that crosses social divides, stays nonviolent despite provocations, and attracts some international attention. But I might bet today on the Khalifa monarchy outlasting the others.

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Why the violence?

Violence isn’t new to the wave of Tunisian flu that is sweeping through the Arab world, but it seems to be getting worse, hitting Bahrain, Libya and Yemen during more or less the past 24 hours.

Why?

The short answer:  this is the regime response to seeing the presidents of Tunisia and Egypt taken down.  While some accounts are not clear, it is certain that the violence in Bahrain this morning was initiated by the police, who attacked a peaceful (and mostly sleeping) encampment in Pearl Square unprovoked.  Police and allied thugs seem to have been initiating violence in Yemen as well.  The accounts of events in Libya are sketchy, but I would bet that there too the police are rioting.  Kings and presidents are concluding that Ben Ali’s mistake was to flee without a fight and Mubarak’s was to step down without cracking down.

How should peaceful protesters deal with this development?  They are unlikely to beat the police and thugs in a street fight.  What they need to do is mass greater numbers, stay particularly attentive at night, befriend the security forces, beef up their connectedness to foreign and domestic journalists, and make sure their own cadres include people from across the social, ethnic, sectarian and other divides.  If they can’t do these things, they need to stay away from confrontation until they can.

You can also hope that the Americans will be telling the regimes in Sanaa and Manama that crackdowns of the sort they are pursuing are counterproductive and likely to spawn more violence.  But I doubt Washington has all that much sway in either place at the moment, and they surely don’t want one of those regimes to fall without a safety net in place.

President Saleh is no doubt declaring himself indispensable to the war on Al Qaeda, but there really isn’t much time before the “use by” date on that bag of potatoes.  One way or another, he is finished within the next few years (if not the next few months).  Time to get some sort of safety net in place, preferably a more democratic one with some prospect of holding north and south together by sharing power between them.

Qadhafi is of no concern in Washington–they would just as soon he take his tent to the desert.

But the Khalifa monarchy in Bahrain is a real dilemma for the Americans.  You know:  5th fleet vs. the possibility of a Shia (some presume Iranian-dominated) regime.  But the question for the Americans (and for the regime) is whether the kind of police riot the monarchy indulged in this morning will make things better or worse.  My bet is worse, maybe much worse if it turns what has been a mild-mannered expression of dissent into a sectarian war that the Sunnis are likely to lose. It is not enough for the monarchy to have allowed municipal and legislative elections last fall.  And the 5th fleet is more in danger from getting behind the curve than getting out in front of it.  Mr. Obama needs to remember what he said about universal rights–they won’t stop at Manama.

Nor should they if they are going to make it all the way to Tehran, where in many respects the violence and crackdown is at its worst.  That is the good news:  the theocracy is feeling threatened by Tunisian flu.  It dreads the fate of Mubarak, as well it should.

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Oldtime revolutionary lore

As Tunisian flu has now spread from Egypt to Iran, Bahrain and Yemen, with a touch also in Algeria and now Libya, it might be wise to review what an old hand views as a few crucial points (I first sat down in front of the bayonet-armed and gas-masked Maryland National Guard in 1964 and got teargassed by the U.S. Army at Fort Dix in 1968, so I am claiming some seniority here).  I was also an early and strong supporter of the Serb uprising that forced Slobodan Milosevic out.

One key point is nonviolent discipline, not because of the moral requirement but because it will make the demonstrations more effective. Another is clarity–and simplicity–of objectives.

Why is nonviolence important?  Because you want the security forces to hesitate to crack down–they won’t hesitate if you are throwing rocks at them–they’ll fight back, and by definition they have greater firepower.  Only if the security forces hesitate to crack down is autocracy in trouble, because it rules by fear.  No crackdown, no fear, no autocrat.

The problem is that the security forces often use violence first, or maybe it will be the thugs allied with the regime (the basij in Iran, the club-wielders in Sanaa).  The use of these people is already a good sign:  it means the regime has doubts about the willingness of the regular security forces to do the dirty deed.  The trouble of course is that the thugs can cause a lot of damage.

They will hesitate to use violence only if confronted with a great mass of disciplined people.  Going out in groups of twenty to do pitched battle with thugs is no way to make a revolution–it only gets your head cracked.  People often suffer the most harm when there were few demonstrators, and at night.

That is another reason for keeping things nonviolent–many people won’t come out for a riot. The attack on camels and horses in Cairo was a turning point:  Egyptians were disgusted by a blatant attack on large numbers of ordinary, peaceful people.  Had it looked as if the attack had been provoked by violent demonstrators, the effect would have been much less salutary from the protesters’ perspective.

What about objectives?  Clarity and simplicity are important.  The protesters in Egypt were clearly aiming ultimately for democracy, but the crowds rallied around the call for Mubarak to step down.

Now that he has, there are emerging differences among the many factions that united in the demonstrations–that is only natural.  Some will think a constitutional route to democracy is best, others a non-constitutional route.  Some will want higher wages, better treatment for workers, rights for minorities–only by suppressing for the moment these differences and focusing on a common objective can a motley crew be forged into a powerful mass movement.  There will be time enough after the goal is reached for the protesters to fall out with each other and sow confusion by going their own ways.

Keeping people together, across secular/sectarian and religious or ethnic divides, sends a very powerful message and rallies more people to the cause.

One last note:  Obama’s soft approach is the right one.  Hillary Clinton’s more strident advocacy is not a good idea.

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The world beyond Egypt

I’ve been so caught up in Egypt for 10 days, and Tunisia before that, I’m feeling the need for one of those quickie updates, so here goes (even if there is relatively little progress to report):

  • Iran:  P5+1 Ankara meeting at the end of January went badly, some say because Ahmedinejad did not take advantage of what the Americans were offering.  I don’t think we’ve heard the last of it.
  • Pakistan: Messy (that’s what I call it when a President has to call for a roundtable conference), but no big crisis.
  • North Korea:  Quiescent for the moment, but mil/mil talks have stalled.
  • Afghanistan:  Lots of reports of military progress from David Petraeus, and some sign that the Taliban may be looking for negotiations, or at least that is how I interpret their putting out the word that they might break with Al Qaeda.
  • Iraq:  some Arab/Kurdish progress that will allow oil to flow north.  My friend Reidar Visser doesn’t think that’s good, but I do.
  • Israel/Palestine:  Biggest news has been the Palestine papers, widely interpreted to suggest Palestinian weakness, ineptitude or both.  I think they show the Israelis overplaying their hand to no good purpose.
  • Egypt:  Trouble.  This is what I said at the end of the year:  “succession plans founder as the legitimacy of the parliament is challenged in the streets and courts.  Mubarak hangs on, but the uncertainties grow.”  Did I get it right?  All but that part about the courts anyway.
  • Haiti:  Presidential runoff postponed to March 20.  President Preval’s favorite will not be on the ballot; former first lady Mirlande Manigat will face singer Michel Martelly.
  • Al Qaeda:  No news is good news.
  • Yemen/Somalia:  Yemen’s President Saleh has so far proved immune to Egyptian flu, but itmay not last forever.  Parliament in Somalia has extended its own mandate for three more years, dismaying the paymasters in Washington and other capitals.  Nice democracy lesson.
  • Sudan:  The independence referendum passed, as predicted (no genius in that).  Lots of outstanding issues under negotiation.  President Bashir is behaving himself, some say because of the carrots Washington has offered.  In my experience indictment has that effect on most people.
  • Lebanon:  Indictments delivered, not published, yet.
  • Syria:  President Bashar al Assad is doing even better than Bashir of Yemen.  No demonstrations materialized at all.
  • Ivory Coast:   Gbagbo and his entourage are still waiting for their first-class plane tickets.  African Union is factfinding, in preparation for mediation.  Could this be any slower?
  • Zimbabwe:  Mugabe continues to defy, sponsors riot in Harare.  No real progress on implementation of powersharing agreement with the opposition.
  • Balkans:  Bosnia stuck on constitutional reform, Kosovo/Serbia dialogue blocked by government formation in Pristina, Macedonia still hung up on the “name” issue.  See a pattern here?  Some people just recycle their old problems.
  • Tunisia:  At last some place where there is progress:  the former ruling party has been shuttered.  Don’t hold your breath for that to happen in Egypt!

PS:  on Algeria, see this interesting piece.

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Darkest hour before dawn, or just a flop?

Laura Rozen reports in detail on the failure to make progress on nuclear issues in the P5+1 talks with Iran in Istanbul. The press will no doubt say this is a flop.

I certainly wouldn’t argue it is success, but note the absence of more threatened sanctions, the “open door” to further, unscheduled discussions, and the updated fuel swap proposal left on the table for the Iranians to take back to Tehran.  This smells to me like the beginning of a negotiation, not the end of one, at least on the P5 end.

The sticking point seems to be recognition of Iran’s “right” to enrich uranium.  This is a complicated legal issue that I won’t pretend to elucidate.  Suffice it to say that I don’t know of any country that has given up enrichment technology once it has acquired it, even if it may have stopped enrichment or limited its extent.  We may not worry anymore about Brazil or Japan acquiring nuclear weapons, but it is not because they have given up their enrichment technology.

Iran won’t either–that is quite clear.  The P5+1 are trying to finesse this issue with the avowedly pragmatic swap agreement, which would remove stocks of enriched uranium from Iran and limit the extent of enrichment.  But the Iranians are wanting an acknowledgment of their “right” to enrich even as they give up the enriched material.  This doesn’t strike me as an insoluble problem–and it has appeared in the recent past that Hillary Clinton was flexible on the issue.

That said, the P5+1 will want to be certain that Iran has seriously abandoned its nuclear weapons program before agreeing, either explicitly or implicitly, to Iran’s continuing to enrich.  That would require more intrusive inspections and a more serious statement by Tehran of its commitment.  Other countries have moved in this direction–Argentina, Brazil, Libya and South Africa are not such bad analogues.

It is impossible to be hopeful that Tehran will go in their direction.  Two factors weigh heavily in the direction of keeping the Iranian nuclear weapons option open:  a fragmented but nationalist political leadership that makes it difficult for any one component to compromise without being sharply criticized by others; real regional incentives to gain the power and prestige that some think would accrue to Iran as a nuclear weapons state, or even as a potential nuclear weapon state.

Tehran also had reason to be belligerent and recalcitrant during this particular meeting.  The murders of its nuclear scientists, the apparently successful Stuxnet attack on its centrifuges, and Israel’s apparent assessment that Iran would not be able to get nuclear weapons until 2015 have combined to lessen the likelihood of a military attack.

That said I doubt this is the end of the negotiations.  Too much is at stake for Iran, Israel and the P5.  Before reaching any solid conclusion, let’s wait for Acting Foreign Minister Salehi’s reaction to what the Iranian delegation brings back from Istanbul.

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