Tag: Nuclear weapons
Good grief: problems with friends and adversaries
Anyone who thinks there is no risk of US military action in the Middle East before January 20 hasn’t been paying attention to
- President Trump’s efforts to block reversal of his withdrawal from the Iran nuclear agreement and to reassert his declining political relevance at home;
- The refusal of the Defense Department to brief fully the incoming Biden transition team and the reversal of its decision to withdraw an aircraft carrier from the Gulf;
- The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corp’s interest in continuing Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, Tehran’s decision to enrich uranium to 20%, and Iran’s desire to avenge the assassinations of Generals Qassem Soleimani and (nuclear physicist) Mohsen Fakhrizadeh;
- The Tonkin Gulf and Iraq war precedents, the former an intentionally manufactured excuse for escalation and the latter a fabulous miscalculation, at best.
Flying B52s around the Gulf is not in itself particularly dangerous. Nor is the passage of an Israeli submarine through the Suez Canal or patrolling by the USS Nimitz. But their maneuvers were deliberately publicized, supposedly as deterrence against Iranian attacks. That may be their intention–hard to tell. But even minor or incidental responses by Iran or its surrogates could drive an erratic president to take retaliatory action aimed at shoring up his own image and political relevance as well as hampering re-entry into the nuclear deal.
Fortunately, Tehran seems determined not to give Trump an excuse for military action. They seem anxious to deal with Biden. His National Security Adviser is signaling willingness to return to the status quo ante, but he wants Iran to be willing to engage on missile issues in a regional context. That means America and its allies in the region would also need to be willing to discuss missiles. That isn’t going to be an easy sell.
After January 20, Biden is going to face a cool reception in the Middle East from America’s friends. Trump’s strongest supporters–Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia–will not welcome Biden, as he will be critical of their human rights abuses. Turkey is also on the outs with the US, mainly right now over its purchase of the S400 air defenses from Russia. Iranian proxy forces imperil US troops in otherwise friendly Iraq. The war in Yemen has tilted heavily in the direction of Iran’s favorites, the Houthis, while the US Congress wants the US to stop supporting the Saudi and Emirati intervention there. The war in Libya has tilted towards the Turkish-supported government in Tripoli, leaving the Emiratis on the losing side and the Egyptians scurrying to reach a modus vivendi with the UN-supported government in Tripoli.
Just about the only unalloyed welcome for Biden will be from Jordan and the Palestinians, two of the weakest reeds in the Middle East, as well as Kuwait, Qatar, and Oman. There will be early decisions required on the Palestinians, in particular whether to re-initiate aid to them through the UN Refugees Works Agency. Biden will happily inherit the “Abrahamic accords,” which exchanged American goodies for Emirati and Bahraini normalization of relations with Israel. But the supposed normalization with Morocco entails American acceptance of Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, which Biden may well want to reconsider and possibly reverse.
Biden will have as many problems with America’s friends as with its adversaries. He will want to be critical of Saudi imprisonment of women activists as well as the Kingdom-ordered murder of Jamal Khashoggi, Israeli settlements and annexation of the Golan Heights, Iraq’s failure to rein in paramilitary forces that threaten US troops, Turkish attacks on US-allied Kurdish forces in Syria, and Emirati as well as Turkish violations of the UN arms embargo on Libya. But each of those moves will risk undermining US influence in a region where it is already waning. As the US seeks to withdraw from Middle East commitments, Russia, China, autocrats, extremists, and other undesirables will move to fill the vacuum.
These challenges above all require skilled diplomacy. But the State Department is a shambles and the Defense Department is close behind. The Biden appointments so far in both places are superb people with deep experience. They’ll need it. They won’t want to spend time and energy on the Middle East, which is a region of declining US interest. But it is a region where a lot can be lost, even if little can be gained.
Stevenson’s army, December 22
In the Taiwan Strait and in Strait of Hormuz.
FP says China exposed US agents in Africa.
Politico mentions some of the extra items included in the Covid Relief & Omnibus appropriations bill Congress passed Monday night: Among the other items included: a hard-fought bipartisan agreement to protect patients from receiving “surprise” medical bills, a compromise version of an annual authorization for the intelligence community, the creation of two new Smithsonian museums, tax extenders, a Tibet human rights bill, and a ban on race-day horse doping, just to name a few.
Congress will come back to vote on NDAA veto overrride.
And here’s the 2021 Senate calendar.
Prof Brands has nuanced ideas for responding to Russian hack.
Mexican military gains in power and role in society.
Report says DOD needs to look out for extremists in the ranks.
Other signers reaffirm commitment to JCPOA.
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Peace Picks | December 21 – December 25, 2020
Notice: Due to public health concerns, upcoming events are only available via live stream.
1. The Islamic Defenders Front and Political Polarization in Indonesia | December 20, 2020 | 9:00 – 10:015 PM ET | Yusof Ishak Institute | Register Here
Amid growing religious polarization since 2019, the return from self-exile of Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) leader Rizieq Shihab to Indonesia in November has revitalized the opposition movement against President Joko Widodo. Islamic populism is set to be a major force at the 2024 presidential election. In the near term, however, Rizieq Shihab’s fate is uncertain as the government seeks to curtail his activities and prevent mass mobilizations in the capital. On December 7 a clash between security services and a convoy in which Rizieq was travelling left six of his followers dead. In this webinar, Dr Quinton Temby analyses these recent developments, drawing on social media data to illustrate how Rizieq’s return has played into online polarization between government and opposition activists. With physical mobilization restricted due to the pandemic, and the details of the recent clash disputed, Twitter has been an arena for hashtag battles between different actors seeking to control the narrative. Dr Temby concludes by reflecting on the prospects for Islamic populism in Indonesia and why social media is likely to be critical to any populist success.
Speakers
Dr Quinton Temby: Visiting Fellow, Regional Social and Cultural Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute.
2. Political Fallout: Nuclear Weapons Testing and the Making of a Global Environmental Crisis | December 21, 2020 | 4:00 – 5:30 PM ET | Wilson Center | Register Here
The Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963 is typically viewed as marking a first step toward nuclear arms control. But Toshihiro Higuchi argues that it was also one of the first international agreements that addressed a truly global, human-induced environmental problem. By tracing a worldwide struggle to determine the biological effects, social acceptability, and policy implications of radioactive fallout, Higuchi reexamines the Cold War in the context of the Anthropocene – an era in which humans are confronting environmental changes of their own making.
Speakers
Toshihiro Higuchi: Assistant Professor, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University
Christian F. Ostermann, moderator: Director, History and Public Policy Program; Cold War International History Project; North Korea Documentation Project; Nuclear Proliferation International History Project; Woodrow Wilson Center
Eric Arnesen, moderator: Former Fellow; Professor of History, The George Washington University. Director, National History Center of the American Historical Association.
3. Cyber War and Cyber Peace: Past and Future Cyber Clashes in the Middle East | December 22, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:00 AM ET | Middle East Institute | Register Here
Although the cyber domain is an emerging field of conflict, it is no longer a new frontier – many battles in cyberspace have been fought and it is imperative they be understood to begin imagining how the future of warfare online may look.
As the United States, the Middle East, and policy community globally begin to consider how a Biden administration will approach conflict and cyber conflict in the region, this panel is an opportunity to study the history of cyber warfare in the Middle East as context for the policy challenges that will arise in the next four years. This panel is sponsored by SentinelOne, a cybersecurity solution encompassing AI-powered prevention, detection, response and hunting in a single autonomous platform.
Speakers
Selena Larson: Senior cyber threat analyst, Dragos, Inc.
James Shires: Assistant professor, Institute for Security and Global Affairs, Leiden University
Thom Langford, moderator: Security advocate, SentinelOne
Additional speakers TBD
4. Putin’s playbook: Lessons from the operation to kill Alexei Navalny | December 22, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:00 AM ET | Atlantic Council | Register Here
Bellingcat, CNN, the Insider, and der Spiegel have produced an explosive investigative report on the elaborate FSB efforts to poison Alexei Navalny with a Novichok nerve agent. Navalny survived and has resumed his role as an active player, amplifying the identities of the team that allegedly worked to kill him and laying responsibility for the operation at Russian President Vladimir Putin’s feet—all while promising to return to Russia. All of this raises the question: Why does the Kremlin regard Navalny as so large a threat, and when was the line crossed to start plotting his death? What does a recovered and newly active Navalny mean for Russia’s politics, and how will Russia’s relationship change with key states such as Germany, where Navalny has been recuperating? Russia has long struggled to see a viable alternative to Vladimir Putin—is Navalny that alternative?
Speakers
Christo Grozev: Lead Russia Investigator, Bellingcat
Irina Borogan: investigative journalist and Deputy Editor, Agentura.ru
John Sipher: Nonresident Senior Fellow, Eurasia Center; CEO & Co-Founder, Spycraft Entertainment
Ambassador John Herbst, moderator: director of the Eurasia Center
Stevenson’s army, December 19
Atlantic Council has a China strategy.
CNAS has ideas for economic statecraft.
WSJ laments loss of social trust among Americans.
Stimson Center says DPRK may be building nuclear components.
WSJ says its economy is near collapse.
Pompeo openly blames Russia for cyber attacks [which still seem to me to be espionage rather than “act of war.”]
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Stevenson’s army, December 16
Military families need food assistance.
Iraq’s economy is collapsing.
White House meddled in CDC.
Somalia breaks relations with Kenya.
John Bolton criticizes Trump action on Morocco.
A reporter tries to tell what will happen to nuclear “football” if Trump skips inauguration.
The hawkish FDD has its policy recommendations.
Analogy of the day: writers call for “Goldwater-Nichols for emerging technology.”
My SAIS colleague Charlie Stevenson distributes this almost daily news digest of foreign/defense/national security policy to “Stevenson’s army” via Googlegroups. I plan to republish here. To get Stevenson’s army by email, send a blank email (no subject or text in the body) to stevensons-army+subscribe@googlegroups.com. You’ll get an email confirming your join request. Click “Join This Group” and follow the instructions to join. Once you have joined, you can adjust your email delivery preferences (if you want every email or a digest of the emails).
Peace Picks | December 14 – December 18, 2020
Notice: Due to public health concerns, upcoming events are only available via live stream.
1. After Flood and Revolution: Sudanese Responses to a Lagging Transitional Government | December 14, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:15 AM ET | Middle East Institute | Register Here
In 2018, the Sudanese Revolution gained prominence on social media and drew international attention to the movement taking place against Omar Al-Bashir’s 30 year dictatorship in the country. Widespread protests were sparked by drastic policies meant to prevent economic collapse such as the slashing of bread and fuel subsidies. Two years later, grievances remain as Sudan continues to face a multitude of issues including record breaking floods, poor governance, incoming Ethiopians and Eritreans fleeing conflict, and persistent militia violence. The Sudanese people have begun to lose patience with the Transitional Government’s inability to sufficiently reform the system and respond to crises.
How has Sudan adapted to both environmental and political upheaval? What changes have occured since Omar Al-Bashir was ousted? How does Prime Minister Abdallah Hamdok plan to move forward with the reconstruction of Sudan’s constitutional system, and how could the violence in Ethiopia and Eritrea affect that? In what ways, do we see Sudan’s relationship with foreign allies changing amidst this reconstruction? In this panel, the Middle East Institute (MEI) brings together experts to explore what the future of Sudan looks like, and what the revolution succeeded and failed to bring the people.
Speakers
Isma’il Kushkush: Independent Sudanese journalist
Baha Sharief: Women’s economic empowerment advocate
Jérôme Tubiana: Africa desk director, International Federation for Human Rights
Mohamed Soliman, moderator: Non-resident scholar, MEI
Additional speakers TBA
2. Reducing the Nuclear Threat: A 5-Point Plan | December 14, 2020 | 1:00 – 2:00 PM ET | Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | Register Here
A global nuclear arms race is underway, and the threat of nuclear war is growing. Drivers of escalation—ballistic missile defense, nonstrategic nuclear weapons, and China’s nuclear modernization—cannot be easily managed through treaties, so what can be done to mitigate the real risks of the nuclear contest?
Please join us for a conversation featuring James Acton, as he shares insights from a new Carnegie report, “Revamping Nuclear Arms Control: Five Near-Term Proposals,” co-authored with Carnegie Endowment scholars Thomas MacDonald and Pranay Vaddi. Acton will be joined by Kristin Ven Bruusgaard of the University of Oslo. Anita Friedt, who served as a U.S. principal deputy assistant secretary of state, will moderate.
Speakers
James M. Acton: Jessica T. Mathews Chair, co-director of the Nuclear Policy Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Kristin Ven Bruusgaard: postdoctoral fellow in the Political Science Department at the University of Oslo.
Anita Friedt: former U.S. principal deputy assistant secretary of state.
3. Ten Years After the Arab Spring: Middle East Writers Reflect on the Arab Uprising | December 14, 2020 | 12:00 – 1:00 PM ET | Middle East Institute | Register Here
The Middle East Institute’s Arts and Culture Center and the Alan Cheuse International Writers Center at George Mason University are pleased to mark the 10th anniversary of the Arab Spring with a series of monthly talks with leading writers from the region. Ten Years After The Arab Spring, which launches this December, will feature the voices of award-winning writers from Arab Spring countries reflecting on the past ten years through the lens of their writings and personal experiences.
The inaugural event will feature award-winning Tunisian writer Yamen Manai discussing his newly translated novel The Ardent Swarm (originally published as L’Amas Ardent in 2017). In his novel, Manai celebrates Tunisia’s rich oral culture, a tradition abounding in wry, often fatalistic humor. The book is a stirring allegory about a country in the aftermath of a revolution, told through the simple and hermetic life of Sidi, a bee whisperer.
Speakers
Yamen Manai was born in 1980 in Tunis and currently lives in Paris. Both a writer and an engineer, Manai explores in his prose the intersections of past and present, and tradition and technology.
Matthew Davis is the founding director of the Alan Cheuse International Writers Center. He’s the author of When Things Get Dark: A Mongolian Winter’s Tale and his work has appeared in the New Yorker, the Atlantic, the Washington Post Magazine and Guernica, among other places.
4. Vanishing Media Freedoms Across South Asia | December 15, 2020 | 9:00 – 10:30 AM ET | United States Institute for Peace | Register Here
Across South Asia, an already challenging climate for free media appears to have further deteriorated in the past year. The 2020 World Press Freedom Index has seen India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka slip down the annual rankings, with all four South Asian countries in the bottom third worldwide. The challenges to free media in South Asia are myriad—particularly threats to journalists’ safety and freedom, repressive actions and overt censorship by governments, unravelling business models, and a chaotic online environment. In many cases, the coronavirus pandemic has exacerbated the threats that journalists and media outlets face as economic pressures have intensified and governments seek to further restrict media freedoms.
Speakers
Tamanna Salikuddin, opening remarks: Director, South Asia, U.S. Institute of Peace
Shahidul Alam: Managing Director, Drik Picture Library Ltd. (Bangladesh)
Dilrukshi Handunnetti: Executive Director, Center for Investigative Reporting (Sri Lanka)
Siddharth Varadarajan: Founding Editor, The Wire (India)
Cyril Almeida, moderator: Visiting Senior Expert, U.S. Institute of Peace; Former Assistant Editor, Dawn Newspaper (Pakistan)
5. Foreign Policy is Climate Policy: New Modes of Multilateralism & the Call for a More Equitable and Just World | December 16, 2020 | 3:30 – 5:00 PM ET | Wilson Center | Register Here
How can the foreign policy community harness the transformative power of the new leadership coalitions that have emerged to strengthen the UNFCCC process—an indispensable mode of diplomacy? And as decision-makers push forward on climate action, how can they incorporate the increasingly compelling calls for social and racial justice into efforts to address climate change?
Speakers
Lauren Herzer Risi, introduction: Project Director, Environmental Change and Security Program
Maxine Burkett, moderator: Global Fellow; Professor, William S. Richardson School of Law, University of Hawai’i
Jennifer Austin: Director of Policy and Strategy, COP26 High Level Climate Champions team
Julie Cerqueira: Executive Director, U.S. Climate Alliance
Rt Hon David Lammy: Member of Parliament for Tottenham, Shadow Secretary of State for Justice, United Kingdom
Elan Strait: Director, U.S. Climate Campaigns, World Wildlife Fund; Manager, We Are Still In
6. The Creeping Threat of Climate Change | December 16, 2020 | 9:00 – 10:00 AM ET | Middle East Institute | Register Here
Climate change is slowly stamping an imprint on Egypt’s environment, culture, and economy. The most obvious of these challenges is the rising scarcity of water. Egypt is already one of the world’s most water scarce countries; while the UN assesses water scarcity at 1,000 cm3 per person annually, Egypt has less than 560 cm3 per person. Rapid population growth, urbanization, desertification, and unpredictable weather patterns are all taking an unrelenting toll on the country’s strained water resources, while fear is climbing over loss of water from the Nile if the Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam holds back water during droughts.
Just as worrisome is rising heat. This threatens health, water supplies and, in a country where over 30 percent of the labour force is directly involved in agriculture, Egypt’s harvests.
While there has been much work done on water conservation, climate change mitigation policy is unclear. Much of the action is handled by the private sector which is not always invested in the strictest environmental standards. Is it possible to tackle the oncoming threat while balancing mitigation with the need for development?
Please join us for the first of a series of events on climate change mitigation, part of the Middle East Institute’s Egypt program’s upcoming work on hidden threats and imminent challenges.
Speakers
Abla Abdel Latif: Chair, Presidential Advisory Council for Economic Development; executive director and director of research, Egyptian Center for Economic Studies
Sarah El-Battouty: Founder and chairperson, ECOnsult
Mirette F. Mabrouk, moderator: Senior fellow and director, Egypt program, MEI
Additional speakers TBD
7. China’s Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia | December 16, 2020 | 10:30 AM – 12:00 PM ET | United States Institute for Peace| Register Here
China’s expanding presence in South Asia is reshaping the region, and along the way exacerbating tensions in regional politics and U.S.-China relations from the Himalayan mountains to the Indian Ocean. As the United States works to fulfill its vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region and to respond to a more assertive China, the final report from USIP’s bipartisan Senior Study Group (SSG) on China and South Asia serves as a road map for the next U.S. administration to advance the Indo portion of that vision.
The SSG’s final report—the fourth in a series—examines China’s influence in South Asian conflict zones and fragile states from a variety of angles. Drawing on the insights of the group’s senior experts, former policymakers, and retired diplomats, the report includes top-level findings and actionable recommendations.
Join the co-chairs and members of the SSG as they discuss their work and the report’s conclusions. The conversation will tackle topics such as U.S. interests in South Asia amid China’s growing role, Beijing’s interests in and approach toward the region, China-Pakistan relations, China-India relations, and China’s relations with the smaller South Asian states.
Speakers
Jennifer Staats, introductory remarks: Director of East and Southeast Asia Programs, U.S. Institute of Peace; USIP China Senior Study Group Series Executive Director
Richard G. Olson, report briefing: Senior Advisor, United States Institute of Peace; Co-Chair, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Randall G. Schriver, report briefing: Chairman of the Board, The Project 2049 Institute; Co-Chair, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Alyssa Ayres: Senior Fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia, Council on Foreign Relations; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Patrick Cronin: Asia-Pacific Security Chair, Hudson Institute; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Sameer Lalwani: Senior Fellow and Director of the South Asia Program, Stimson Center; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Anja Manuel: Co-Founder and Partner, Rice, Hadley, Gates & Manuel LLC; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Daniel Markey: Senior Research Professor in International Relations, Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Tamanna Salikuddin: Director of South Asia Programs, United States Institute of Peace; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Vikram J. Singh: Senior Advisor, Asia Center, United States Institute of Peace; Member, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
Jacob Stokes: Senior Policy Analyst, China Program, U.S. Institute of Peace; Project Director, USIP China-South Asia Senior Study Group
8. The Biden Administration and Iran—Confrontation or Accommodation | December 17, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:00 AM ET | Carnegie Endowment for Peace | Register Here
Iran will almost certainly be a top priority of the incoming Biden Administration. Not only are dealing with Iran’s nuclear ambitions expected to be high on the U.S. agenda; but escalating tensions on the ground between Iran, Israel and the United States in 2020 may well intensify in 2021 and the United States will need to prepared to contain them.
How do Tehran and Jerusalem intend to approach the new administration; what priorities, calculations, and attitudes will shift? And how will the Biden foreign policy team deal with the complex challenge of reentering and/or renegotiating the Iran nuclear accord as well as engaging the other international parties still committed to the JPCOA? Finally, what role will domestic politics in Washington, Tehran, and Jerusalem play in shaping events as they unfold?
Speakers
Aaron David Miller: senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, focusing on U.S. foreign policy.
Suzanne Maloney: vice president and director of the Foreign Policy program at the Brookings Institution. She previously worked on Middle East issues in the State Department and in the private sector and has published three books on Iran.
Karim Sadjadpour: senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he focuses on Iran and U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East.
Michael Singh: Lane-Swig Senior Fellow and managing director at The Washington Institute and a former senior director for Middle East affairs at the National Security Council.
9. The Arab Spring, Ten Years On: What Have We Learned and Where Are We Going?| December 17, 2020 | 4:00 – 5:15 PM ET | Brookings Institute | Register Here
The popular protests that unfolded across the Arab region in 2011 seemed poised to usher in a new era of freedom and democracy. Ten years on, however, the future does not seem as bright. Tunisia is the only Arab country to have successfully transitioned into a democracy; other countries have either reverted to strong authoritarian rule or have become mired in devastating civil wars.
The underlying socio-economic and political factors that led to the “Arab Spring” continue to drive unrest across the region. The recent protests in Algeria, Iraq, and Sudan show that social activists have learned from the mistakes of the past and adopted new tactics, forcing those in power to make unexpected concessions. In turn, Arab leaders have also adapted, fighting back calls for change with targeted propaganda campaigns and repressive crackdowns.
The Brookings Doha Center invites you to attend a webinar that takes stock of the Arab Spring and its impact on the region over the past decade. The discussion will address the following questions: On balance, what was the outcome of the Arab Spring? How have Arab social movements and leaders evolved in the years since? Can we expect new protests in countries experiencing economic and political strains? And how can the region address the demands of its people and build an inclusive social contract?
Speakers
Joseph Bahout: Director at the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs – American University of Beirut
Lina Khatib: Director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme – Chatham House
Michele Dunne: Director of the Middle East Program – Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Nader Kabbani, moderator: Director of Research – Brookings Doha CenterSenior Fellow – Global Economy and Development
10. Democracy and Corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo Two Years into the Tshisekedi Administration | December 18, 2020 | 10:00 – 11:00 AM ET | Brookings Institute | Register Here
Nearly two years after the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) saw a peaceful transfer of power to President Félix Tshisekedi following a nevertheless flawed election, numerous significant political and economic developments have transpired in the country. The president’s chief of staff, Vital Kamerhe, was convicted on corruption charges; violent conflicts have increased in the eastern DRC; civil society has mounted increasing anti-corruption campaigns; and political maneuvering is already starting in preparation for the 2023 elections. Meanwhile, in a bipartisan letter, the U.S. Senate highlighted the need for urgent anti-corruption and electoral reforms in the country and the International Monetary Fund is considering a significant loan to stabilize the country’s economy, pending anti-corruption reforms.
Speakers
Michael E. O’Hanlon, moderator: Director of Research – Foreign PolicyCo-Director – Center for Security, Strategy, and Technology, Africa Security InitiativeSenior Fellow – Foreign Policy, Center for Security, Strategy, and TechnologyThe Sydney Stein, Jr. Chair
Sasha Lezhnev: Deputy Director of Policy – The Sentry Project
Mvemba P. Dizolele: Senior Associate (Non-Resident) – CSIS
John G. Tomaszewski: Professional Staffer – Senate Foreign Relations Committee
André Wameso: Ambassador – Democratic Republic of the Congo