Tag: Gulf states

The gulf with the Gulf

Yesterday was Gulf day.  I spent part of the morning reading Christopher Davidson, who thinks the Gulf monarchies are headed for collapse due to internal challenges, their need for Western support, Iran’s growing power and their own disunity.  Then I turned to Greg Gause, who attributes their resilience to the oil-greased coalitions and external networks they have created to support their rule.  He predicts their survival.

At lunch I ambled across the way to CSIS’s new mansion to hear Abdullah al Shayji, chair of political science at Kuwait University and unofficial Gulf spokeperson, who was much exorcised over America’s response to Iran’s “charm offensive,” which he said could not have come at a worse time.  The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was already at odds with the US.  The Gulf was not warned or consulted about the phone call between Iranian President Rouhani and President Obama.  Saudi Arabia’s refusal to occupy the UN Security Council seat it fought hard to get was a signal of displeasure.  The divergences between the GCC and the US range across the Middle East:  Syria, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, Iraq and Palestine, in addition to Iran.

On top of this, US oil and gas production is increasing.  China is now a bigger oil importer than the US and gets a lot more of its supplies from the Gulf.  Washington is increasingly seen as dysfunctional because of its partisan bickering.  Its budget problems seem insoluble.  American credibility is declining.  The Gulf views the US as unreliable. Read more

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Peace picks, October 21-25

With a sense of normalcy returned to the city after the reopening of the government, some timely events coming up this week:

1. Will India’s Economics be a Victim of its Politics?

Monday, October 21 | 2:00pm – 3:30pm

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW

REGISTER TO ATTEND

The Indian economy has entered a difficult period over the past eighteen months with the rate of GDP growth having halved, inflation still stubbornly high, and deficits remaining substantial. Economists are asking whether India’s rapid growth of the last decade was more a credit-fueled aberration than a result of structural reforms. To complicate matters, economic concerns are increasingly secondary to political debate as India prepares for critical state elections this winter and parliamentary elections in spring 2014.

Jahangir Aziz and Ila Patnaik will assess the state of India’s economy in the context of India’s growing election fervor. Edward Luce will moderate.

JAHANGIR AZIZ

Jahangir Aziz is senior Asia economist and India chief economist at JP Morgan. He was previously principal economic adviser to the Indian Ministry of Finance and head of the China Division at the International Monetary Fund.

ILA PATNAIK

Ila Patnaik is a nonresident senior associate in Carnegie’s South Asia Program and a professor at the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy in New Delhi. She writes regular columns in the Indian Express and the Financial Express and recently co-led the research team for India’s Ministry of Finance Financial Sector Legislative Reforms Commission.

EDWARD LUCE

Edward Luce is the Washington columnist and former Washington bureau chief of the Financial Times. Earlier he was their South Asia bureau chief based in New Delhi. He is the author of In Spite of the Gods: The Strange Rise of Modern India (2006) and Time to Start Thinking: America and the Spectre of Decline (2012).

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Yemenis in DC

I spent a couple of hours with visiting Yemenis earlier this week, focused on the current national dialogue.  This was not a cross-section of Yemeni society.  These were well-educated, mostly mid- to upper-level bureaucrats who certainly know what people in Washington want to hear.

The vision they projected is not reconstruction but rather building a New Yemen: a single (but not overly centralized) civil state, stronger provincial and local self-governance, stronger protection of individual rights.  Three hurdles seemed  foremost on the Yemenis’ minds:

  • fuller integration of the south;
  • security for the population;
  • international community engagement. Read more
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The fracturing Levant

As events in Syria continue to unfold, it is essential to understand the nature of the conflict.  On Tuesday, Emile Hokayem, a Senior Fellow for Regional Security at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, delivered a presentation based on his recent book, Syria’s Uprising and the Fracturing of the Levant.  Based on repeated visits to Syria after the uprising, the book relies on a range of primary sources such as fieldwork and interviews with all sides of the conflict.  Steven Simon, the executive director of IISS-US, moderated the event.

Before the uprising, analysts had often exaggerated the power of the Syrian state, Hokayem proclaimed.  While the Syrian state was not particularly weak, its resources, industrial base, alliances, and human capital pale in comparison to regional countries that had similar ambitions, namely Iraq and Egypt.  However, Hafez al-Assad’s genius lay in his statecraft.  While this made Syria a stronger state, the uprising has brought Syria down.  It is now a weak state marked by divisions and internal rivalries. Read more

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Peace Picks, June 10-14

1. Drones and the Future of Counterterrorism in Pakistan, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Monday, June 10 / 5:00pm – 6:30pm

Venue: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
1779 Massachusetts Ave. NW, Washington, D.C. 20036

Speakers: Frederic Grare, Samina Ahmed

The future use of drones in Pakistan is uncertain after President Obama’s recent speech on national security. Washington has now satisfied some of the demands of Pakistan’s incoming prime minister, Nawaz Sharif. But while drone strikes were seen in Islamabad as a violation of the country’s sovereignty, they were also arguably an effective counterterrorism mechanism. Samina Ahmed will discuss the future use of drones in Pakistan. Frederic Grare will moderate.

Register for the event here:
http://carnegieendowment.org/2013/06/10/drones-and-future-of-counterterrorism-in-pakistan/g7f0

 

2. Tyranny of Consensus: A Reception with Author Janne E. Nolan, Century Foundation, Monday, June 10 / 5:00pm – 6:30pm

Venue: Stimson Center, 1111 19th Street Northwest, 12th Floor, Washington D.C., DC 20036

Speakers: Janne E. Nolan

In “Tyranny of Consensus,” Nolan examines three cases-the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the proxy war with the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, and the 1998 embassy bombings in East Africa-to find the limitations of American policy-makers in understanding some of the important developments around the world. Assisted by a working group of senior practitioners and policy experts, Nolan finds that it is often the impulse to protect the already arrived at policy consensus that is to blame for failure. Without access to informed discourse or a functioning “marketplace of ideas,” policy-makers can find themselves unable or unwilling to seriously consider possible correctives even to obviously flawed strategies.

Register for the event here:
http://tcf.org/news_events/detail/tyranny-of-consensus-a-reception-with-author-janne-e.-nolan

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Opinion matters

Shibley Telhami presented his new book, The World Through Arab Eyes; Arab Public Opinion and the Reshaping of the Middle East, at Brookings this week. BBC’s Kim Ghattas was quick to offer an alternative title: “Everything you want to know about the Middle East but aren’t getting from the headlines.”

Telhami explained that Arab public opinion is now the source of real insight into the layers of conflict spread across the Middle East.  The Arab uprisings have increased its importance. The essential theme emerging after the first uprisings of 2011 was Arab identity. Understanding identity is central to understanding public opinion.

While domestic issues and authoritarian abuses may have triggered the Arab uprisings, foreign policy was also important.  The years leading up to the Arab uprising were not inherently different from decades past in regards to domestic and economic woes. But Arabs are angry about the collapse of Israeli/Palestinian negotiations in 2000, the war in Afghanistan, the Iraq war and the Gaza wars.  It was a strikingly violent decade (and more) in international relations.

Arab populations are angry because their leaders and governments were powerless to stand up to foreign invasions and defend the wishes of their citizens.  Arab identity and sovereignty were compromised.  Arab leaders played no role in stopping it.

Arab public option polls during this period were striking. One question, “who is the leader you admire most in the world?” is a crucial lens for seeing how Arabs judged and chose leaders at that time. Jacques Chirac, Hassan Nasrallah, Hugo Chaves and even Saddam Hussein were the most common answers. Telhami attributes these responses to each leader’s strong and defiant role in foreign affairs. Post Arab spring polls show Turkey’s Prime Minister, Erdogan, as one of the most popular leaders for his assertive stance in foreign policy and his ability to stand up for Turkey’s identity.

Telhami observes that identification with the state has declined while identification with Islam has increased. The adage, “you are what you have to defend” applies here, as Muslims see Islam as under assault. Increased identification as ‘Muslim’ or ‘Arab’ is also correlated with the rise in transnational media in the Middle East. Arabs are associating with others outside their national borders. This has important implications for the relationship between people and their governments, which have to take into account public opinion that extends beyond their borders.

The discussion of transnational Arab identity naturally led to a discussion of Israel and Palestine. For Arabs, the Palestinian issue reflects decades of painful defeats and remains a humiliating reminder of their powerlessness. It as an open wound.

Kim Ghattas disagreed that the Palestinian issue was central to Arab identity. She thought the Israeli/Palestinian conflict has taken a back seat now that people finally have a chance to change their domestic situation. In the past, Palestinian issues were used as a rallying cry for Arab autocrats trying to suppress and distract their own people. Finally, Arabs have a say within their own country, and they are going to speak.

There is no going back. Public opinion has been empowered.

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