Kosovo should get on with governing

Naile Ejupi asked me questions yesterday. Bota Sot published today. Here is the original English:

Q: Kosovo now has a new government led by Albin Kurti. How do you assess the political situation following the formation of the Kurti 4 government, and what should be its main priority in order to ensure political and institutional stability?

A: I wouldn’t want to comment on domestic priorities, but in foreign policy I think the main near-term priority is getting Kosovo, its defense ministry, and its army ready for NATO membership in 2028. Beyond that, Pristina should be preparing assiduously for EU membership. Never mind that neither is likely to happen right away. It is the preparations that are important right now. 

Q: The agreement between LVV and LDK to support Bekim Sejdiu for president has been opposed by six LDK lawmakers. Do you believe this internal division could jeopardize the agreement, and how serious could the consequences be for Kosovo’s institutional stability?

A: I assume it does jeopardize the agreement. I don’t think there is a question of institutional instability, but I also don’t think a new election is a good idea. 

Q: Should LDK leader Lumir Abdixhiku view the opposition of the six lawmakers as an internal party matter, or could their position have broader consequences for the functioning of Kosovo’s institutions?

A: Clearly there are broader implications. I hope the votes can somehow be found to make Sejdiu president, not because of who he is but because it is high time to get back to the serious business of governing. 

Q: Richard Grenell has publicly expressed support for the six LDK lawmakers opposing the agreement. How significant is this intervention, and could it be interpreted as a political message to Kosovo’s current leadership?

A: So far as I am aware, Richard Grenell is no one in the US administration. His history suggests anything he says is not to Kosovo’s advantage. 

Q: If the LVV-LDK agreement on the presidency fails because it cannot secure enough votes, how realistic is the possibility of Kosovo heading toward another election, and what would another electoral cycle mean for the country?

A: If the agreement fails and isn’t somehow replaced with a different proposition, I suppose a new election would be inevitable. But the citizenry is clearly tired of going to the polls and wants to see the government governing. 

Q: Do you think the current confrontation between LVV, LDK and the opposition is shifting Kosovo’s political focus away from strategic issues such as relations with the United States and the European Union, as well as the dialogue with Serbia?

A: Yes, I think it is doing precisely that. I’m not so worried about the dialogue with Serbia, which I doubt will go anywhere with Aleksandar Vucic.  But relations with the US and EU need repair and tending. 

Q: The verdict in the trial of Hashim Thaçi, Kadri Veseli, Rexhep Selimi and Jakup Krasniqi at the Kosovo Specialist Chambers in The Hague is expected soon. How significant could this verdict be for Kosovo’s political landscape and society?

A: Of course the verdicts will be significant for many in Kosovo. I expect some people to be pleased, others upset. The important thing is that all reactions should be moderate and non-violent. Kosovo has no choice but to accept the verdicts. It should do so showing off its most civilized behavior, whether in protest or in celebration. That is true for both Albanians and Serbs. 

Q: If the former KLA leaders are acquitted, could this have a direct impact on Kosovo’s political balance, particularly on the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and the opposition?

A: Difficult to say. I have no idea what the KLA leaders will do if acquitted. They might just retire, or return to politics. That is their choice. When I met with Hashim Thaci in prison last fall, we did not discuss that issue. 

Q: And what could be the political consequences if the verdict is a conviction?

A: Conviction and further imprisonment would in my opinion be unjust, and it will be an enormous disappointment to many Albanians. But as I said, there is no choice but to accept, criticize if you like, and protest, peacefully. 

Q: Could the verdict in The Hague have an impact on Kosovo’s relations with the United States and its European partners, given the political importance this case has assumed in Kosovo?

A: I don’t think it is the verdict that will have an impact, but how it is received in Kosovo. 

Q: Overall, do you see Kosovo entering a new political phase with the formation of the Kurti 4 government, or could the unresolved presidential issue, divisions within LDK, and the Hague verdict lead to an even more unstable political period?

A: Sure, there could be instability, but the constitution provides for an election as the way out. It would not be the best solution in my view, but the constitution is the constitution.