Kosovo’s glass half full

Kosovo daily Koha Ditore asked questions. I responded, more or less on the even of the country’s February 17 independence day:

Q: How do you see the journey of Kosovo eight years after independence? Which are the achievements and failures of the state?

A: Kosovo has built a state with wide but not universal recognition that seeks to govern as a parliamentary democracy and interacts effectively with other countries, including those that don’t recognize its sovereignty and territorial integrity. I’ll leave to Kosovo’s citizens the privilege of judging the adequacy or inadequacy of the state in managing domestic affairs at the next election, but it seems to me internal security and the economy are vastly improved since 1999 and even since 2008.

Q: Kosovo independence continues to be challenged not only from abroad but also from within. Seven years after independence, Kosovo is not part of the UN and is not recognized by all EU members, while constitutionality is not yet extended to northern Kosovo, where the Serbs are the majority. Do you see improvement related these issues, in the near future?

A: I hope for improvements on these issues, but I really don’t know if it will happen in the near future. It is important to note that Belgrade has acknowledged the validity of the Kosovo constitution on its entire territory and will have to accept implementation of the Association of Serb Municipalities, for example, in accordance with the decision of the Kosovo constitutional court.

A main challenge from within are the political formations that don’t accept Kosovo’s constitution and statehood. They exist both among the Serbs and among the Albanians. The Kosovo state would be far strong if they abandon their hopes that Kosovo be taken over by Belgrade or Tirana.

The big international recognition issue in my view is Serbia’s non-recognition and blocking of Kosovo from UN membership. The Europeans have made it clear to Belgrade that its progress towards accession will depend on completely normalizing relations with Kosovo, which means at the very least UN membership and some sort of exchange of diplomatic representatives beyond liaison officers. I expect the next Serbian government to have to make some difficult decisions.

Q: After independence, the international community has assisted Kosovo in strengthening institutions by sending a mission responsible for Justice–EULEX. But this mission has been heavily criticized for no progress in fighting corruption and organized crime, as well in war crimes prosecutions. How do you evaluate the work of EULEX?

A: I don’t feel confident to evaluate EULEX, but I’ve long been convinced that success in fighting corruption and organized crime will require Kosovo’s citizens to take up the cudgels. Your press, civil society organizations, prosecutors, judges and government officials need to find the courage to confront those who are ripping off the country.

War crimes are different. It seems to me there the international community has a stronger role to play, through the Special Court once it is created. No Balkans country has yet found the capacity to deal adequately with its own war-time criminals, because they fought in a cause that most of the citizens supported. I won’t claim the US does a great job of prosecuting its own soldiers either. But for Kosovo bringing people to justice who committed atrocities against Serbs, Albanians and likely others is a necessary step in the state-formation process. I’d like to see parliament create a court that can get on with the job.

I also commend to interested readers Congressman Engel’s well-crafted piece on Keeping Kosova on the Path Toward Democracy.